On the Dignity of the Nordic Man
By University Professor Dr. Ernst Bergmann, Leipzig
We poor Germans! We have not only been paying reparations since the World War. For a thousand years, since we were "Christianized," we have been tributaries to foreign countries. And not only with our wealth, but also with our blood and our soul. Only by engaging with prehistory, particularly with the history of the ancient spirit, can we truly understand the nature of the Nordic man. For the Nordic man grew up in a struggle with a harsh climate that demands self-reliance. Laboriously, in daily tension, man had to wrest his living conditions from the nature of the land. He had to defy the winter with its hunger and its frost. This is a hard school of life. It forges strong natures.
Thus arose a race that had learned to rely on itself. The categorical imperative of duty and self-belief shaped the Nordic man. Eternal struggle with the forces of nature educated him in the moral thought of "Thou shalt." This is what the ancient Nordic mythology, the struggle of the Aesir with the giants, illustrates in Kant’s doctrine. The Aesir embody the bright and victorious powers of human spiritual and willpower, while the giants represent the dark forces of the Nordic world. Balder kills the frost giant, i.e., hunger, the Nordic existential distress. The ancient knowledge of the eternal threat of downfall emanating from Niflheim slumbers in Wotanism. Hence the high moralism of the ancient Germanic god sagas with its tragic undertones. Hence the will to heroism. They are led by the Valkyries, those noble ones who are destined to protect the Æsir's fortresses. They represent a moral selection of quality. The hope of the gods is directed towards them. Do we Nordics not all come from the Valkyrie? Do we not all fight with the giants? Nature imposes this struggle upon us. Therefore, it was in the Nordic countries, not in the southern ones, that humanity’s rise to world domination in science, art, and technology took place. The will to self-help, to self-redemption, is the secret of Nordic activism, which can be studied in Kant and Fichte, in Luther and Eckhart, as well as in the thought world of the Edda. Moral heroism is found here as it is there.
The Nordic man knows the complete rebirth of nature after a long winter’s sleep. But whoever sees the spring, the true, Nordic spring, sees the living earth and the eternal earthly rebirth. He sees the coming and going of the divine in nature and in reality. He sees it truly and experiences it within himself and in his life and creative power, the rebirth of the divine nature in the May light of the cool Nordic earth. Therefore, the migratory birds return every year to their Nordic breeding grounds. Why? To behold the god Balder in the miracle of rebirth. Only when they have gazed upon him to their heart’s content does the mild South become agreeable again.
Thus, the Northlander learns from nature the struggle, especially for the most divine thing that exists, life itself. How then could the Nordic man ever grow weary of life or become otherworldly, when each year a new earth blossoms for him? Only through the creative cooperation of the Nordic spirit can humanity become joyful of the earth again, can the old inexorable "Thou shalt" command reappear in the self-legislation of conscience. The starry heavens may well stand above me, but not the moral law. It stands within me. And this "Thou shalt" command reappears as a new giant struggle, in which we ourselves are the hammer with which we forge our moral man.
The Germans, before their change of faith, knew no asceticism, no world-weariness, no "mortification of the flesh," and no condemnation of the natural life functions of man. This entire confused ethic of decay of the will-weary Mediterranean people, who, in the era of Marcus Aurelius, flocked into the desert to sleep on shards at night and crucify the "old Adam," was utterly foreign to their deepest nature. Their sense of holiness regarded the greatness, purity, sublimity, and beauty of natural life. A gentle whisper in the branches, a stillness in the treetops—this was also what conveyed to our ancestors the sense of holiness as the origin and entrance into all religious feeling. Holy is not only the forest; life itself is an infinitely sacred thing that we should not devalue by adding another layer to it in our imagination. Holy is also death, our sublime return to the great mother nature. Holy is life and death, for it is the law of the world. And holy is the spring of the German soul that now breaks forth, for in it, we sense the rebirth and resurrection of our people.
How can a people become a leading nation if the holy places of its religion do not lie in its own land? Even the Arab has his Mecca in his land, the Indian his Benares. Our ancestors revered the divine in the rustling of sacred groves, in the lake of Nerthus, on mountain peaks, in the homeland stream, in springs, and in ancient trees. Then came the change of faith a thousand years ago, and all that was sacred in their own land became dark, somber, pagan, and devilish past. Lonely and abandoned stood the Germanic sacrificial stones, and the German had to learn that the holy places where the foot of the divine had touched the earth were far from his home. He had to understand that salvation had reached the earth "ultra montes" (beyond the mountains). He had to learn to despise his homeland and regard foreign lands as nobler and more worthy than his own. But we must give our people back their living and effective present faith; we must show them their great spiritual and intellectual history, from the sight of which they can draw strength and confidence in themselves and in the divine that lives within their own being and has revealed itself.
(Adapted from sections of Bergmann's work "Die deutsche Nationalkirche," page 88 of the preceding volume, editorial note.)
1) For many years, Alexander Bugge wrote in a Viking book, later overlooked, in the wake of *Hungerland*. A pearl of these "Pictures from the Nordic Past" was preserved in memory: "To determine the cultural level of a people, nothing is as important as understanding the position of women in the community." This statement is short and rich in content, yet it is less familiar within the educational heritage of our people. What logically follows is the cheerful inclination to take a look at the work of those who help to clarify history and prehistory in this regard. And what is not least required by the emerging transformation of German people into cultural custodians is the desire to recognize and bring to noticeable life the unadulterated aspects of blood and soul, spirit, and customs. Again, the essence of the tribe (as a gender-social community within the culturally emphasized environment) most clearly explains the position of women, defining that the question of culturally determining values must be decided beforehand.
2) Significant is a consideration that the philosopher Ernst Bergmann, who strives for a Germanic ethic, presents in this context in his work "Erkenntnisgeist und Muttergeist" (Spirit of Knowledge and Spirit of the Mother). He observes that Goethe's male characters, as the poet saw them wandering through his labyrinthine soul, appear more or less unrestrained and unbridled. Not so with the poet's female characters. With sure instinct, these women would lead the confused actions of men towards goodness and reason, and, like Mignon, choose heavenly powers as their companions. In exploring the female soul, Goethe, in the Iphigenia type, would have depicted an ideal of humanity crystallized to the highest perfection. And the poet's attempt to venerate ancient female power in the image of an over-lifesize Juno would only express how woman, as the living revelation of a divine law, still stands before the awakening humanity of every cultural era! Thus, one might also discover the meaning in Faust's salvation despite everything.
If we compare this to Hesiod's emphasis on the eternal dependence of the son on the mother, to Pythagoras' celebrated harmony of the eternal feminine, or to Eustathius' deified queen of the Phaeacians, then we might also see that wisdom prevails in recognizing the essential trait of true culture in the worship-worthy nature of women and motherhood. And if we rightly describe the pre-Apollonian time of the Greeks as a bearer of such culture, it is only later that forces arise, which act disruptively and destructively. In Bergmann's view, it was not least an expanding Christianity that would stamp the divinely ordained essence of ancient culture into a tragic caricature, initiating a process of cultural decay that would fill the content of centuries. The religiously based noble dignity of woman fades, and at the very source of human dignity, a withering stream takes root.
The noble dignity of woman, as tested in the Iphigenia type, is quickly clarified. A woman who can stand before the Taurian king Thoas and declare that she has saved her soul from betrayal illuminates the invisible power of a heroic personality. Before this, all possible tyrannical power fades and transforms into a gesture of forgiveness and understanding. Already, the question arises urgently: Does not the image of Iphigenia fully revive what Wilhelm Grönbech, in his deep study, recognized as the essential trait of the ancient Germanic woman and which was articulated in the textbook of religious history by Chantepie de la Saussaye? Namely, that this woman, "due to her nature, often stands closer to the divine than man" and carries within her that "inviolability and sanctity of holy wrath" that belongs to a personality respected by unwritten laws! Also, in his latest work "Die Deutsche Nationalkirche" (cf. review on page 88), Ernst Bergmann lets it become clear again that the Goethean Iphigenia type merely revives a Nordic-Germanic ideal. It would thus seem that the perhaps brightest moment of Goethe's creation, what Gundolf called his "Evangelium of German Humanity" (referring to the Iphigenia play), instinctively and inevitably brings a preserved Germanic heritage to the surface. Therefore, it is no mere coincidence that in the intellectual and research circles currently striving for Germanic remembrance, the Iphigenia type is repeatedly touched upon.
3) A lesson to be drawn from this is as follows: Strip Iphigenia of her Greek garment, replace it with what has now been recognized through research, and the ancient Germanic female type re-emerges. Goethe wanted and had to depict her, but he was merely at a loss for the external form. And whenever German poets attempted to do justice to this, the Germanic female ideal embodied in Iphigenia was all the less present in their minds. A Thusnelda, as portrayed in Kleist's *Hermannsschlacht*, stands far removed from this ideal. A woman who could even allow the Roman legate Ventidius to steal a son already admits in a moment of weakness that she "unfortunately brought upon herself the error that seized this young man's heart." And as she, driven by smoldering resentment, chooses her own husband as a vengeful spirit against Roman audacity, she lacks that inherent trait of self-help and self-responsibility that, in Iphigenia, is an essential characteristic of a complete personality.
It is pleasing that Bernhard Rummer, in Witgards Untergang, values and with compelling scholarly logic tries to justify the high status of the Germanic woman from a religious perspective. Thus, all true culture would fundamentally be religiously underpinned. But that it did not advance this culture but rather significantly disturbed it, according to Rummer, should be attributed to Christianity. By teaching for centuries that "the element of life is to be transformed into the life-fetter of sin," regarding woman as a being of sexual subjugation or as bound by obedience, and as property of man at the cost of her personality—it undermines the morality peculiar to the Germanic people. Woman, as an originally sacred personality, sinks to the level of an object of juridical assessment. The concept of sinful flesh or the hostile division of body and soul circulates, something that was foreign to the Nordic man (as the content of the sagas attests) and should eternally remain foreign.
Yet the "civilizing work" on the Germanic people was so thorough that their descendants have almost forgotten that people do not become better by uprooting sacred values. Again, it becomes apparent that in the religious world-weariness received from Palestine, there is no room for a woman who, like Tannhäuser's "Heavenly Mediator," stands infinitely pure in soul and holiness at the center of divine life—and who, trusting in herself, already carries within her heart a realization of the afterlife this side of the grave.
4) It is fundamentally curious: While the Church claims to have taught the Germans gods and culture, the Roman Cornelius Tacitus knew much earlier what should be attributed to the Germans as culturally decisive. And that his praise—stating that in Germania, "good customs had more influence than good laws did elsewhere"—would be fairly judged, cannot be denied, even by the most practiced distortion of facts. The sacred observance of the Germanic people, praised by the Roman writer, and his entire account of the respected role of women in the tribal life of the Germans, stands as a solemn warning against the degenerative tendencies of his own people, who were in the process of slipping away from the original foundation of true culture and becoming entangled in the questionable luxury of an "over-refined" civilization.
In light of this crucial perspective, the well-known historical source of Tacitus gains even greater value for us. It remains, by and large, the only source from which the average educated German today draws or receives knowledge about the ancient Germans. However, there are researchers who believe it is necessary to warn against the pitfalls or possible ambiguity of the content of this source. Recently, it has been primarily the merit of Gustav Neckel to provide complementary, enlightening, and prejudice-dispelling work in this area.
5) What this scholar captures in his writing "Liebe und Ehe bei den vorschriftlichen Germanen" ("Love and Marriage among the Pre-Christian Germans") in a few pages seems to be exhaustively outlined and, in the author's own judgment, "new in the sense that it runs directly counter to the prevailing scholarly opinion!" A judgment that surely does not harm the desired dissemination of the work and offers the prospect of stirring and making the broadest circles thoughtful.
One section—emphasizing the denial and distortion of source-based facts by the Church—simultaneously reminds us of the erroneous attitude of the "enlightened" European who mistakenly regards himself as the pinnacle of culture. This would affect the main question of whether to consider the ideal of a monogamous marriage, closed off in loyalty and faith, as a developmental link, with group and multiple marriages or enforced marriages preceding it. Instead, under the scrutiny of Old Norse and Germanic sources (e.g., "Law Book of the Visigoths"), the often-defended notion of such an enforced marriage among the ancient Germans collapses, as does the much-discussed "purchase" of the bride, which should not be equated with a legal "commercial transaction" but rather corresponds to a contract of mutual obligations, which finds its solemn expression in the "Wittum" (Old Norse mundr), a gift from the groom to the bride, who sacrifices a part of her freedom. The ancient German knew no enforced marriage based on complete male dominance, but rather a lifelong monogamous marriage based on the equality of spouses and the moral sovereignty of the woman, as is proven by Germanic literary sources beyond Tacitus, archaeological findings, and especially the related content of the sagas, those narrative original works of Old Icelandic literature that became known to us since the 20th century.
Medel convincingly evaluates this material, presents samples, and interprets their content, seeking to trace back the assumptions about the supposed right of chastisement or killing by the husband to their truth, ultimately yielding to the insight that only the image of high sexual ethics can stand before the Germanic people. Source-based facts become eloquent witnesses to the popular belief in the
"reprehensibility of adultery and all other extramarital affairs, and the monopoly position of marriage, which is something broader and more universal than the exclusive right of the husband over the possession of his wife... Equally important, however, is that chivalry towards women and the legal protection of the wife in Germania are as ancient as marriage itself as a form and norm of love... If today’s opponents and radical reformers of marriage see the Church, which created and upholds what they fight against, as their main adversary, they overlook the fact that the ideals of marital chastity and fidelity in Northern Europe are of a high pre-Christian age. Even if the theological faculties were abolished, Christian worship banned, and the Bible, along with all the literature built upon it, burned, this would still not be a victory over the monogamous idea itself."
This last sentence should already serve as more than a warning. It is apparent that history has likely already surpassed a peak that fundamentally towered where a much-maligned Germanic antiquity once claimed it as its own.
6) The deeper meaning of the briefly treated theme? Philosophers and researchers focused on the North and Germanic heritage offer us something that compels us Germans, after long years of fate-shrouded hardships, to self-reflection. The hour seems to have come when what is offered no longer needs to drown in the whirlpool of everyday life and bourgeois comfort. Out of a well-understood forgetfulness, which is so infinitely close to us Germans because we are restless scouts of the future and less of the past. But if the most sacred—and woman will have to remain this as long as any culture can exist—is already discovered in the dreamlike twilight of the dawn of our cultural becoming, then it will be doubly beneficial to shape the near future all the more Germanically from the dust of the past.
A Fairy Tale from the Brothers Grimm from the Time of the Violent Christianization of the Saxons during the Time of the Franks
Reported by Museum Director Dr. C. Rademacher, Cologne
Much has been handed down about the violent methods of conversion in Germania, which, starting from Rome, likely found its most zealous and ruthless representative in Charlemagne. These accounts clearly illustrate the spirit of the violent measures that inspired the conquerors and teachers of that time. However, we have no voice from the oppressed people on how they received these decrees; all sources are silent on this matter, as the chroniclers of the time naturally belonged to the other side.
Now, in the Christmas of 1932, we found in the Children's and Household Tales of the Brothers Grimm (large illustrated edition by Deutsche Verlagsanstalt Stuttgart, No. 138) a fairy tale that sheds light on these conditions as if with a flash. Due to its great significance, it is initially reproduced here verbatim.
“Anoist and His Three Sons
Between Werrel and Soist, there lived a man named Anoist, who had three sons; one was blind, the other was lame, and the third was crippled. They once went over the field and saw a hare. The blind one shot it, the lame one caught it, and the crippled one put it in the basket. Then they came to a mighty large water, where there were three ships, one that ran, the other that sank, and the third that had no bottom. They all got into the one with no bottom.
Then they came to a mighty large forest, where there was a mighty large tree, and in the tree was a mighty large chapel. In the chapel was a cabbage-headed sexton and an acorn-headed pastor, who distributed the holy water with ladles.
Woe to the man who can escape the holy water!"
From the content, the following interpretation can be drawn: The farmer Anoist, residing in Westphalia between Werl and Soest, has three sons who set out one day toward an unspecified destination. The journey, however, offers an opportunity to demonstrate that these sons are physically and mentally inferior, which also allows for conclusions about the father himself in this regard. The journey is told entirely in the mythical fairy-tale style until the farmers arrive at a large wall, inside of which there is a mighty tree with a large chapel, where a pastor and a sexton are baptizing. The entire population of a certain district has been driven to this event. The three sons of Anoist, despite any feeling of coercion, have complied with the command, as indicated by the hare hunt. They likely did not resist the act of baptism either. The others, the people, only gathered at the baptismal site under strict command, had to be made compliant with physical punishments.
This implies the presence of Frankish soldiers.
Thus, the cry of a tormented people's soul becomes understandable in the saying: "Blessed is the man who can escape the holy water!"
It is well known how strongly the Germans were attached to their homeland and life among their tribal comrades, but in the face of the now-dominant coercion of conscience, even a life in a foreign land appears blissful.
The fairy tale also reveals information about the location where these forced baptisms were carried out. It is the Germanic cult site of the district to which the land between Werl and Soest belonged. At the ancient sacred tree, a spacious chapel, perhaps even built of stone, had been erected for the baptisms. A wall enclosed the entire sacred area.
In Saxony, such sites can be traced up to the present day. One can recall the Wilzenberg in the Sauerland near Schmallenberg. A well-preserved wall system surrounds the mountain summit. Crosses and other Christian symbols are still present, to which the population once eagerly made pilgrimages. The Tönsberg near Oerlinghausen in the Lippe region also belongs to this context. The extensive wall system is not missing here; it is even particularly magnificent. Inside lies a stone building, very ancient, called the "Seidenkirche," which probably also traces back to such a "baptismal chapel."
"It is more than just a foreign fairy tale motif when heroes like Sigurd understand the language of birds. A keen sense for understanding the world belonged to the pagan ideal. The best, those most deeply connected to life, closest to the divine, had the sixth sense with which they could catch a glimpse behind the outwardly perceivable world, into the winterland of life, into its mysteries. The ideal of wisdom plays a dominant role in Norse paganism, a wisdom that often consists of recognizing hidden things." —Bernhard Rummer in Midgards Untergang
The Königstein near Westerhausen in the Harz, a Site of Prehistoric Sun Worship
By Engineer E. Reil, Quedlinburg
With these lines, I bring to the public knowledge that which is the result of many years of observation and repeated examination of all circumstances, both for and against. Until now, I have maintained silence on this matter and only occasionally shared it with a few interested individuals. For the first time, on June 24, 1931, I spoke about it to a larger audience. At that time, the "Local History Working Group of the Quedlinburg School District" was meeting in Westerhausen, and I had the opportunity to give a lecture to about 60 participants, including two museum directors from neighboring towns, at the site itself. In this lecture, I presented the findings on the Königstein, which I have now revised for the readers of this journal.
I was prompted to break my silence primarily due to the following circumstance:
The study of our Germanic prehistory, as suggested by Teudt, is spreading rapidly, as I can constantly observe, in a pleasingly swift manner. Circles that only a few years ago met such ideas with complete rejection are now searching for evidence to support them. The Königstein, until then a notable but nevertheless little-noticed feature of the pre-Harz landscape, has not escaped the fate of being "discovered." Historical societies are making pilgrimages to it, and publications about it are said to have been made, though I am not familiar with them. However, I must assert my claim as the earlier discoverer. My observations date back to 1902, and those of my Westerhausen colleague, Mr. Rector Weißenborn, date back to 1893!
Regarding the landscape, I have already said what is necessary in the section "Introduction" of my essay "New Observations on Prehistory at the Rocks in the Eastern Northern Harz," Germanien, 1st Series, Issue 3, page 46ff. I will add here that the most significant of the folds created by the mountain uplift is referred to as the 'Quedlinburg Saddle.' Weathering and erosion have long since destroyed it, leaving only remnants of the 'saddle ridge' at both ends and two 'flank ridges' in between. The Königstein belongs to the so-called 'southern' ridge, which runs here from WNW to ESE and reaches an altitude of 190.4 meters under the rock.
To the NNE, the mountain ridge descends steeply by 54 meters into a wide valley basin, which was still filled with a lake in the late 17th century, while on the SSW side, which overall only descends 42 meters, a roughly 75-meter-wide terrace is interposed.
The rock itself consists of sandstone, which was first shattered into fragments by the mountain pressure, then later compacted again into a mass resistant to weathering by a quartz solution. Since the soft sandstone weathers easily while the hard quartz veins remain unyielding, it exhibits the so-called 'honeycomb structure' almost everywhere. Incidentally, this peculiar property makes the stone unsuitable for any practical use, and one must say 'fortunately'! Otherwise, the Königstein would likely have long since fallen victim to the acquisitive nature of its owners, as has happened to many of the picturesque quartzite outcrops, most of which have been processed into paving stones.
The rock, which resembles a detached part of the well-known 'Devil's Wall,' is almost 150 meters long but only about 8-9 meters thick, with a height of up to about 15 meters. It is divided into two distinct parts, both of which have the striking outline of crouching dromedaries facing WNW towards the nearby Braunschweig region, only 1000 meters away. For us, however, only the slightly smaller but taller rock to the ESE is of interest (see Figs. 1 and 2).
In the view from the aforementioned terrace, two deep notches stand out. The larger one, located on the left, is between the neck and back of the dromedary (A), while the one on the right is at the tail end (B). Both are important (see Fig. 2). Below notch 'A,' three bowl-like depressions are carved into the rock face, one above the other, whose shadow contours are so pronounced at the appropriate angle of the setting sun that they remain a prominent feature even from 3-4 km away. Incidentally, the terrace, divided into many small plots used for vegetable cultivation, is almost entirely covered with fragments of prehistoric burial urns. Several stone cist graves excavated here have been re-exhibited in the Quedlinburg Castle Museum.
Upon closer inspection, one also notices that there is a second group of depressions on the lower rock to the left of the first group, and if one climbs up, many more can be found, which, because they lie horizontally, were not visible from below. In most of them, the chisel marks that once hollowed them out can still be clearly seen.
If we continue along the rock to notch 'B,' we get the view shown in Fig. 3. A broad indentation, which narrows rapidly towards the back, cuts through the rock to a depth of about 2 meters, providing good weather protection. To the left, at the base of the vertical black rock, there is a resting place originally sufficient for two people, one half of which is now destroyed. Under favorable lighting, one can also perceive a rune-like symbol here, though its identification remains uncertain.
The person sitting on the bench overlooks both the terrace below and the opposite right side of the rock bay. On this wall, a sloping ledge, 1.2 to 1.5 meters wide, rises upward, where traces of destroyed steps can still be seen, though these are increasingly being eroded by weathering and by boys climbing on them. The lower end of this staircase suddenly ends in mid-air, while a few steps remain embedded in the rock at the foot of the wall. Recent excavations have shown that the staircase likely led all the way down to the base of the slope; however, the steps are no longer carved from the rock but consist of placed stone blocks. These are partially destroyed. As I learned today (July 27, 1932), elderly people in Westerhausen remember having seen this staircase. At that time, it served as access to a small rose garden that a pastor from Westerhausen had created by the rock. To the right of the person climbing up, there are a number of deep holes carved into the smooth wall in a right-angled line. It is possible that wooden pegs were inserted here to secure a handrail, but it is equally possible that this was an attempt to split the rock by inserting wooden wedges that would expand when wet. However, this arrangement would have been quite impractical.
If one climbs up the ledge, which is still possible for a reasonably skilled climber, one reaches a small plateau from which there is a magnificent view, allowing one to oversee at least 300 degrees of the horizon. In particular, all four solstice points are clearly visible. However, it is not possible to see the terrace lying in the 'blind spot' below. If one wanted to send a signal from up here to down there, an intermediary would be required, most likely positioned at the resting place on the opposite wall. Recently, two more seats carved into the rock have been discovered.
We then go back down, circle the tail end of the dromedary, and reach the NNE side, which is not entirely easy to access. Here, we immediately notice a disc, 1.3 meters in diameter, prominently carved out of the rock. It shows chisel marks and has a hole in the center, likely used for inserting a compass. Above this disc, there is a small recess from which a piece of stone was broken off a few years ago, leaving the spot now freshly exposed (Fig. 4). Upon further examination of the rock wall, three more discs can be found, one of which, however, has been partially blasted out. The mounting holes, through which the destruction was caused, are still visible beneath each disc (Fig. 5).
These discs clearly explain the otherwise inexplicable 'discs,' of which a considerable number can be found here, along with rows of apparently purposeless mounting holes. A 'disc' simply marks the place where a 'disc' once was! These were made everywhere in such a way that on a smooth part of the wall, a circle was marked, the circumference of which was sharply cut in a right angle to a depth of 22 cm, while the trench was then transitioned back to the outer surface in a gentle curve. If the disc was then removed in the middle, only the flat outer curve remained, and the depression in the stone had the form of a 'disc'!
Incidentally, all four discs on the NNE wall are more or less buried in the earth, so they were difficult to see earlier, with the exception of the first one. They were only uncovered by me and others for the purpose of photographing them. It is by no means excluded that more such discs lie buried in the apparently quite deep soil deposit here. The necessary soil for the evidently carried-out ground elevation would have been difficult to bring to this hard-to-reach place. One might conclude that it was excavated on-site, with a deep pit dug into the steep slope, which has long since overgrown. (Incidentally, the vegetation at Königstein is rather sparse, with many species of postglacial 'Pontic Steppe Flora' mixed in, which in turn are being suppressed by the advancing heath plants.)
Altogether, I have so far counted four discs, thirteen recesses, and several rows of dowel holes on the ESE-facing rock. Additionally, there is the staircase with the seat and observation post. In contrast, the WNW-facing rock remains entirely free of such features, with only an unfinished round arch notch located on its NNE-facing side.
When I first saw the large disc (Fig. 4), I immediately had the purely instinctive impression that I was looking at a sun image. Of course, this cannot be proven. Over the decades, I have repeatedly visited the site to document other findings at Königstein, thoroughly investigating all conceivable "natural explanations." I carefully examined any potential technical possibilities (and I believe I can claim some judgment in this area). After a detailed consideration of all circumstances, these possibilities had to be ruled out, and despite some objections, I could even provide substantial evidence, although the documentary material on Königstein is sparse for reasons I will mention below. Thus, after 31 years of critical observation, I can confidently say that self-deception is excluded.
In the summer of 1928, I began to measure Königstein and document all findings (which, by the way, slightly increase with each visit). I had an overview but still no solution. Then, in 1929, Teudt's book Germanische Heiligtümer ("Germanic Sanctuaries") was published. As soon as I read through it, the problem of Königstein became clear to me. Many features described in the section on the Externsteine were familiar from Königstein, and other previously puzzling phenomena in our area also became clear. I contacted the author and had the pleasure of leading him, accompanied by two interested gentlemen from Quedlinburg, to Königstein on October 2, 1929.
When we stood on the large terrace, where, within minutes, we collected a significant number of prehistoric shards (Bronze Age), Teudt was particularly struck by the notch "A" (Fig. 2), which he called "the cleft." My subsequent investigations confirmed that it was indeed the focal point of Königstein, critical for "alignment."
It became clear to me that these discs were indeed "sun images" and that Königstein was an astronomical observation site! This site must have been very old and used for a long time, as the excavation of the large disc revealed that it was already heavily weathered when it was buried.
Regarding prehistoric astronomy, which opponents dismiss as a "fantastic idea" without counter-evidence (as I experienced just a few weeks ago!), I need not elaborate here. Suffice it to say, Königstein was a site for the astronomical observation of the sun. As such, the towering, unusually shaped rock, from which one could oversee the horizon for miles, naturally recommended itself. When the area was "aligned," the cleft was marked by three centrally placed sun images, which, if we imagine them painted in bright white, must have been visible from the ridges of the Harz. The numerous other discs were created in their likeness. I cannot determine whether their grouping and the (often not particularly well-visible) placement had specific purposes or whether they were simply a type of "votive offering" attached to the sacred rock.
Based on the findings, I am inclined to the latter view, suggesting that this was, of course, a self-evident place where judgment was carried out. During those years, it also seems that the destruction of Königstein was undertaken, which must have been quite comprehensive and could only have been initiated by a force that had a significant interest in the matter and for whom time and resources were of no concern. The fanatical destroyers must have vented their rage on Königstein for months. However, they proceeded unskillfully, for destruction requires expertise as well, so that various remnants remained identifiable. They had made the observation station inaccessible and blasted away the sun discs, but there were so many that they eventually grew tired of the demolition and simply covered the remaining ones, which were already in inconspicuous places, with an earth mound. This mound later collapsed, partially revealing the covered discs again. Eventually, they attempted to blow up the rock with inadequate means, but the unpolished wedging would have resisted for years. Thus, they withdrew, but the goal was achieved. No one observed the sun from up there anymore. The site, considered a place of pagan horror, was forgotten for 114 and a half centuries.
To ensure complete certainty, the pagan cult site was handed over to the victorious Church. Even today, Königstein is the property of the Church in Westerhausen! Perhaps there was even an attempt to 'consecrate' the old pagan site to the Church. The above-mentioned round arch niche on the otherwise entirely untouched NNW-facing rock looks as if it was intended to hold a sacred image. Its form is almost Romanesque, although it is only about 6 cm deep.
Documentary evidence is sparse, and nothing is available from earlier times. When the rulers of Westerhausen, the Counts of Regenstein (originally called Reinstein), became extinct in 1599, the Dukes of Brunswick seized the vacant fief for themselves. After the Thirty Years' War, Electoral Brandenburg claimed the County of Reinstein, which it occupied by force in 1670/71. The ancestral castle and five villages were lost to the Brunswickers, but they managed to save the archives from the main town of Westerhausen and transfer them to Blankenburg a. S. These archives are now in Wolfenbüttel and have been little utilized from here.
Mr. Rector Weißenborn in Westerhausen has researched the remaining old documents. He has determined that the current name "Königstein" probably dates from the 19th century. The old form was "Restein," "Gestein," or "Genstein," in an unpolished Middle High German transformation, "Gegenstein." This name corresponds exactly with that of the well-known rocks near Ballenstedt a. S., of which the "Little Gegenstein" also holds significant prehistoric importance ("Germanien" I. 4). The form "Restein" apparently led to the occasionally occurring "Rönstein," and from this supposedly corrupted word, the current "Königstein" was derived. According to a local linguist, the syllable "Ge" refers to "speaking." This would align with the fact that the "Little Gegenstein" near Ballenstedt is distinguished by an excellent echo, which legend attributes to the Devil (a deity once worshiped here?). Whether Königstein exhibits a similar phenomenon has yet to be determined. Given the surprising similarity of the terrain with that of the Little Gegenstein, it cannot be ruled out.
Beginning of the Year in the North and the Mediterranean Countries
By Prof. Dr. I. Riem, Potsdam
The fact that for several millennia, the peoples of the North (whom we may consider our ancestors) began their calendar year with the days of the lowest sun—during the days of the Yule festival—or even further north with the reappearance of the sun, which had remained below the horizon for several days, has been extensively proven by Herman Wirth in his works Ausgang der Menschheit ("Origin of Humanity") and Heilige Urschrift ("Holy Original Scripture"). He demonstrates this through the significance of the rune representing the smallest arc of the sun, found among the North American Indians, the Sumerians, and other Eastern members of this cultural circle. This extensive material must be studied in the mentioned books. In any case, the North Atlantic peoples, like the Tuatha nations, possessed and passed on this method of time reckoning. The reason for this type of reckoning was initially purely practical, as these solar phenomena were easy to observe in the high North. Additionally, religious and mythological interpretations of this natural phenomenon gave it precedence over other events in the solar year.
In Ausgang, Wirth summarizes these thoughts in the following statement (p. 239): "For where God the Father, the 'Forefather,' the primordial being of creation, who created the world from the waters of darkness, was, there the 'Lord,' the Father of Men, the Son of God, is found again each year at the beginning of the year, in the water depths, in the 'cave,' where new life emerges. This is a universally Atlantic and Arctic-Nordic, cosmic belief."
When we examine how far this method of reckoning persisted into historical times, we find in the old Icelandic calendar the beginning of winter, the days of the winter solstice. Similarly, in the closely related old Norwegian calendar. In contrast, it is noteworthy that the Celtic calendar of Coligny places the beginning of the year in summer. It is known that in Sweden, the Yule festival is still one of the most important celebrations of the year, even if it has lost some significance compared to the Midsummer festival.
Regarding the time reckoning of the ancient Germans in pre-Christian times, Ginzel shows in his large Handbuch der Chronologie ("Handbook of Chronology") that the beginning of the year coincided with the rebirth of the sun god, that is, with the Yule festival. It was only later that the Christian Church merged the Christmas celebration with the Yule festival. It should be noted here that Bilfinger, in his Untersuchungen über die Zeitrechnung der alten Germanen ("Investigations into the Time Reckoning of the Ancient Germans"), vol. 1, Das altnordische Jahr ("The Old Nordic Year"), Stuttgart 1899, demonstrates that Christmas originates from the South. It was initially the festival of the Unconquered Sun, thus of astrological origin, and stems from Oriental thought. December 24 was the birthday of the sun. This merger occurred during the time of the Carolingians. According to Bede, the Anglo-Saxons began their year on December 25, the "Mothers' Night." We can trace the so-called Christmas style, which means the custom of beginning the year with the Christmas festival, until the end of the Middle Ages.
Now, if we look at where the Mediterranean peoples placed their new year, we no longer find any uniformity. Here in the southern latitudes, the easy observability of the winter solstice was no longer present, the climate was much more balanced, so that the rise of the sun no longer made such a strong and noticeable impression. Here, natural observations, particularly in sowing and harvesting, took precedence. Thus, in Babylon and Assyria, the beginning of the year is around the spring equinox.
In Egypt, the year began with the heliacal rising of Sirius, the Sothis star. Around -1300, this occurred on July 20. However, since the practical year of the Egyptian agricultural population was closely tied to the rise of the Nile, which occurred around the time of the solstice, and since in ancient times, around -3500, the summer solstice also fell on July 20 when this type of time reckoning was introduced, this method of dating was maintained. This date of the solstice changes very slowly, and thus the Egyptians continued to begin the year with the heliacal rising of Sirius, a method of reckoning that arose from purely local conditions and was therefore naturally given for the country.
In ancient Persia, there was no uniformity, for although the spring month was counted as the first of the year, some sects of the Zoroastrian religion instead considered the summer solstice.
In the old Jewish calendar, both Canaanite-Phoenician and Assyro-Babylonian lunar year reckonings appear, according to Ginzel. It is doubtful whether the ancient Jewish year began in spring or autumn. Ginzel presents strong arguments for both. He considers the autumn year to be older, with the beginning of the year being shifted to the spring equinox under Babylonian influence. This was implemented in the priestly legislation, but the agricultural population retained the autumn reckoning. Most Jewish festivals were connected with sowing and harvest.
In Greece, the beginning of the year probably lay at the beginning of winter, with the cosmic setting of the Pleiades, which, for the time of Hesiod, around -800, occurred in Athens around November 3. Ginzel considers this calculation doubtful due to a lack of sufficiently reliable sources. In the 5th century, however, the year in Athens began with the summer month, while Sparta celebrated the new year in autumn.
In Rome, during ancient times under the kings, the beginning of the year was also the start of winter. It was a year of 10 months, hence the last month was correctly December. It was only much later that January and February were added. Alongside this civic year, there was an official year in which, from 221, the consuls' term began on March 15, and in -152, the official year began on January 1. It was only under Caesar that the official and civic years were aligned, with the provision that the connection to the solar cycle be ensured by having the spring equinox fall on March 24. Thus, in later Roman times, calendar reckoning became a matter of state administration.
Finally, turning to the furthest outpost of the Aryan peoples, the Indians, we find that the year originally consisted of 3, later 5, and then 6 seasons, but the spring season was always counted as the first. Later, the reckoning was directly aligned with the spring equinox.
This overview shows, quite naturally, that the independent time reckoning of a people is dependent on the seasons, that is, on sowing and harvest, or on climatic influences, and that it was only much later that state authority intervened to organize and correct errors. However, in the present day, which enjoys the Gregorian calendar, the knowledge that the calendar is related to the solar cycle seems to have been completely lost, otherwise, we would not receive such nonsensical proposals for so-called calendar reform, nor would we see chambers of commerce and similar bodies feeling entitled to act as experts on the matter.
Dowsing Rod and Prehistoric Research
By Forester R. A. von Düring, Horneburg (N.-E.)
The dowsing rod, however controversial its use may be, has been repeatedly utilized in scientific prehistoric research. In the following, I would like to draw attention to the peculiar behavior of the dowsing rod on Stone and Bronze Age burial sites, about which I have recently conducted very thorough investigations.
I was inspired to undertake this study by an article by W. Teudt (published in Germanien, 1932, Issue 4), which reported, among other things, that the rod showed a strong reaction at four points enclosing the space of a Neolithic grave. The area here is rich in prehistoric burial sites, and I conducted most of my experiments on the Daudieck estate near Horneburg, where there are about fifty Stone and Bronze Age mounds and burial beds. They are carefully preserved by the owner of the estate, Major a. D. von Holleuffer, who supported me energetically in my investigations. I should preface this by noting that I had only previously used the dowsing rod to detect underground water veins. At the beginning of my investigations, I immediately noticed that the reaction of the rod over prehistoric graves was significantly different from that over water. The rod showed a striking restlessness near a burial site, then suddenly and forcefully pointed downwards at a specific spot and quickly returned after crossing that spot, whereas with water, it slowly inclines from afar and also slowly returns to an upright position. The rod exhibited the same behavior at both untouched and already opened burial sites, as well as at those that had been completely removed and were only marked by a slight elevation in the field as former burial mounds.
After considerable effort, the investigations led to the following conclusion: At all burial sites that are either proven or presumed to contain stone chambers (thus mostly belonging to the Stone Age), the rod reacted at four points, within which the stone grave lies, as was proven in a dolmen of the late Stone Age excavated in the autumn of 1931. On the other hand, over Bronze Age mounds, the rod only reacted at a single point, which is located roughly in the middle of the current mound's circumference. The four points identified over Stone Age graves typically form an irregular quadrilateral with side lengths of 4-8 meters, except for a very large stone grave in Daudieck where the points are 9-10 meters apart; at the well-known large burial beds near Grundoldendorf, the rod reactions are even further apart.
I had a curious experience during these observations, which I should not leave unmentioned. During the first investigation of the aforementioned dolmen, the rod showed no reaction when I walked over the large capstone. However, when I repeated the investigation a few days later, the rod reacted strongly, even when I walked along the stone enclosure of the grave. Puzzled, I looked inside the large grave and discovered my small dachshund, which was contentedly gnawing on a hare skeleton, likely dragged in by a fox. An attempt outside the grave confirmed that in this case, the dachshund was indeed the cause of the rod's reaction.
It is understandable that the striking results of my investigations led to lively discussions with Major von Holleuffer and also with the local cultural preservation officer, Mr. Lehrer Cassau, from the Stade district. The possibility that a naturally occurring object was triggering the rod's reaction is excluded due to the regularity of the reactions and their location relative to the burial sites. If this were the case, this object would also have to occur at other locations in the local fields. However, I have walked long stretches with the rod without it showing any reaction other than to water.
In order to clarify the cause of the rod's reaction, we decided to excavate at two points identified by the rod. The excavation took place from May 17 to 20, 1932, with the assistance of some students from the high schools in Buxtehude and Stade, who had previously provided their help in a commendable manner during excavations on the estate grounds. In addition to the aforementioned gentlemen, the cultural preservation officers of the Stade, Bremervörde, and Kehdingen districts, as well as Dr. Moldstedt from the Geological Institute in Hamburg and some other invited gentlemen, were present on various days. At both points, we dug to a depth of 3.10 meters. Flint stones and, at one point, a finger-thick, winding, and pink-colored sand vein, distinctly standing out from the surrounding yellow sand, were found at depths of 2.75 to 3.00 meters. Both caused the same strong and compelling rod reaction when brought to the surface as they did at their original locations, and they have retained their influence on the rod to this day, half a year after the excavation. What causes this effect is still unclear. Flint stones found a short distance from the point marked by the rod during the excavation caused only a very weak rod reaction, which completely disappeared at a distance of about 0.80 meters. Similarly, other stones unearthed, such as granite, sandstone, and quartzite, had no effect on the rod. At a depth of 3.10 meters, the rod reaction stopped. The excavated flint stones and the sand vein were thus the sole cause of the rod's reaction.
The excavation did not, therefore, provide a conclusive explanation for the cause of the rod's reactions. Nevertheless, I am sharing my findings with the public to draw attention to the peculiar rod reactions at prehistoric burial sites and to encourage similar investigations in other regions. Perhaps this will lead to a definitive explanation of the cause and also assign the dowsing rod, however modestly, a role in prehistoric research.
Caller in the Conflict
Herman Wirth and the Gospel. It is commendable that reports about the lectures at the Herman Wirth Society and brief judgments from great scholars of our time regarding Wirth's presentations are being published in major city newspapers. For example, a scholar as significant as Professor G. Nedels, after various reservations, could conclude his lecture by saying that Wirth's ideas indeed carry something of remarkable greatness and significance. Likewise, the art scholar Professor Strzygowski expressed that not only Greek architecture and sculpture, not only Gothic and Romanesque, but also Iranian, Indian, Chinese, and Japanese styles have a clear, traceable origin in Northwest Europe spanning millennia. Even Georg Foerster does not oppose Wirth unfavorably, although he feels compelled to express doubt as to whether Wirth has properly evaluated Christ and whether he might have set Him aside for the sake of his Nordic primordial belief. Consequently, theologians might be inclined to dismiss Wirth. In my opinion, this would be highly detrimental to the Christian Church and particularly to our people in its challenging religious situation.
Although Wirth's work on the primordial religion has not yet been published, and "The Holy Original Scripture of Humanity" has not been fully released, some insights can already be gleaned from his previous works to address Foerster's concerns.
Firstly, there must have been a beginning to religion; it must have been created or awakened, and from this primordial event, there must be a connection between all religions. Now, through Herman Wirth, we gain an understanding of these questions. He spreads the valuable knowledge for the German people that, according to God's will, our ancestors were especially the bearers of the primordial religion.
Professor A. Jeremias in Leipzig, however, assumes that the Sumerians possessed the primordial religion and that they were pure Semites. Thus: ex oriente lux (light from the East). Although the Sumerians may have been mixed with Asiatic elements, before them, a purely bred people with a very high culture lived in Ur in Chaldea, as recent excavations have shown. According to Herman Wirth, these were somehow Nordic-type people who, thousands of years ago, migrated there through the Mediterranean or around the Euphrates and brought their ancient Nordic religion with them.
Wirth proves this step by step through the discovery of ancient Nordic cult symbols. Abraham was also from Ur and carried the old religious heritage within him, although, due to mixing with Asian immigrants, there had been major distortion from the Nordic primordial religion, which later spread in parts of the Old Testament, with only of the outer features of it being preserved in the prophets of Israel.
Over time, the deviations grew, and when Christ came, the Jewish religion among the leaders of that people was indeed in a poor state.
A reformation was necessary, and it came through Christ, not as a regression to the primordial religion but as a progression towards fulfillment.
It is currently not possible to present this more securely without the clarification of the Nordic original religion by Herman Wirth and the full appearance of his 'Sacred Primordial Scripture of Humanity,' but it can certainly be said that the connection between the Nordic original religion and the Gospel becomes visible. We German Christians now recognize in this time of bitter religious struggles that God's wonderful goodness already shone in the souls of our Nordic ancestors, long before there was an Abraham or Moses, with the holy foreknowledge of the coming of His only Son. That is why the Nordic peoples understood Him most deeply when He came to them. Pastor Schulk from Bevensen states that in the life, death, and resurrection of the Christ of Humanity, God's love is reconciled and a secure path is shown through an overwhelmingly divine human life, towards where God wants to reshape the nature of man. This is not a reformation, but a leading to the highest height.
Just as the myths of the great spiritual oriental religions, according to Professor Jeremias, are to be seen as forerunners to the Jewish prophets, so according to Wirth, the original religion of the Nordics should be recognized as the primal prophecy, and not as something completed to which we must now return. Wirth calls the German Luther the reformer of the meanwhile corrupted Christianity and hopes that in the approaching time a complete return to Christ will be found, even more perfect than through Luther's Reformation.
We may understand Wirth this way, in my opinion. He says in his new work, 'The Sacred Primordial Scripture of Humanity,' p. 118: 'This sign of the Year-God (the Arummitab) of the annual division, as a sign of new life and rebirth, remained the symbol of the Roman-Christian priest, the bishop, who as God's servant was to guard and reconcile the reformation of the Galilean ... the salvation message of the Northland: that God so loved the world that He gave His only Son, so that all who believe in Him may not perish but have eternal life in body and soul, the rebirth in the holy circle of the clan, of the race, that life which is from the light, from the "Year" of God.' (According to Wirth, "the Year" is the expression for the revelation of God.)
If one can initially only determine from Wirth's previous writings that there is a primal prophecy of Christ in the Nordic original religion, it must also be noted that a prophecy does not merely state that something will come in the future, but it also inherently indicates at least in broad strokes, in its main features, what is to come. It is worth pointing to the belief of the Nordics in one spiritual God of love, who is their friend, in the self-sacrifice of God in the course of the sun, His creation, almost like His Son in dying and resurrection, and the depiction of the righteous cross as a guide to a just life for mankind.
The Symbolism of the Rivil Tomb. In his essay on the Rivil monument (in Wannus 7, 1915, p. 61 ff.), Just Bing attempted to show that in the two pairs of horses (Rivil No. 3) we see the divine twins—Germanic Alci, Greek Dioscuri, and Old Indian Ashvins—who were already connected in the proto-Indo-European tradition with the horse and, alongside it, the swan, appearing either as riders, charioteers, or even as two horses themselves. Regarding the highly uncertain plate No. 8, on which two figures stand in a ring (perhaps suggesting a cave? H.) with a yoke over a pole on the upper left and two luren players on the right, Bing suggests that these are two young men who are turning the most sacred 'new fire' under the sound of the lures. In the two figures, we could then, as Bing also assumes, see images of the 'Dioscuri,' since it is considered a proto-Indo-European tradition that twins would generate the Yule fire, the Midwinter emergency fire, by rubbing wood, just as the Dioscuri (Ashvins, etc.) rekindled the extinguished sun in the world sea, the sacred heavenly fire, with their wood fire production. Without knowing Bing's interpretation of the Rivil monument, I believed that I could infer from folk customs in my work on 'Janus' (cf. Hest 1, 1933, p. 28) that lures were blown by the twins at the generation of the Yule New Year fire among the Germanic peoples. If Bing's interpretation is correct—and the objections by Clenten (in Urgeschichte Religion, Bonn 1932, p. 110) are, in any case, entirely unjustified—then these customs of the old Yule festival are inscribed on the Bronze Age Rivil tomb (from the middle of the 2nd millennium BCE). Dr. D.
From the Landscape:
Reality in the Border Rhön. On the eastern slope of the Dietrichsberg, one can find a farm marked with "Agb" on good maps. It is the Rohigraben farm, owned by the von Wurmb family from 1782 to 1920, and thus also part of my grandmother’s heritage.
In my youth, the Dietrichsberg was shrouded in a mysterious aura that we sensed when we silently walked across its peaks. The tourist world had overlooked our mountain, and because it was ignored, it remained untouched and preserved from distant times into our present. However, because it remained unknown, the significance of this mountain was never recognized, and so this place fell victim to the materialism of our time, without receiving the honor it deserved. To prevent it from falling completely into oblivion, its significance will be pointed out here.
Climbing the eastern slope of the mountain, we reach a wide meadow that lies before the forest like a bright green band, offering a splendid view. The undulating line of the Thuringian Forest, with the Inselsberg towering high into the sky, greets us from across the valley. At our feet lies a lovely meadow valley, bordered on the far side by the dark line of the Schornwald, a horizontal line that follows the valley's entire length. This meadow, on which we stand, is still communal land today, as it has been since ancient times, and it is bordered from the forest by a wall and a ditch.
After a few steps into the forest, the first ring wall becomes visible, and as we climb, we repeatedly encounter remnants of the fortifications. We pass the Dietrichsborn. Its water is considered healthy and healing; even in my youth, the belief in its powers was widespread, and women who were denied the blessing of motherhood would fetch many a jug of water from the spring, trusting that it could fulfill their wishes. After a steep ascent, we stand at the spring. An oval basin, set in stone, with a surrounding path and a carefully built bench.
After a few hundred more steps, we reach the region of the large basalt fields. The light shimmers silver through the trees, the view widens, and the "Stone Sea" rises majestically, glittering in the sunlight. No tree, no shrub could take root in its depth; untouched as on the first day, this wonder of nature stands before the eyes of the late-born. To reach the final height, we must find the way up, and there is only one path leading to the consecrated place. The steep cliff, called "Das Geißköpfchen," must be circumnavigated. A footpath leads to a narrow ridge, where once a trigonometrical point was established. It was a good lookout to spot the enemy if he crossed the Werra River from the southeast to invade the Ochsen Valley. Here, at the narrowest point of the mountain, the drop is the highest, and the embankment rises the higher the narrower it gets. We turn north and take up the path again, which leads us deeper into the forest, where it disappears into a dense thicket of firs. We push the branches aside and find ourselves before steps—there may be ten of them—which, in their arrangement, appear surprising in this forest solitude.
The forest opens up, and we stand on a platform overlooking the "Stone Sea," which narrows into a slim belt at this point, comparable to a crown. We marvel at this flat surface on which we stand, which, strangely constructed, allows an unobstructed view into the distance. Who labored to carry the clay up here, which can only be found deep below? Who shaped the stonework over the wild rockfall with such fine natural sensitivity, with as much skill as it takes for a human creation to seem to grow naturally from the landscape? We ask about the purpose of this construction. But the stone remains silent. In the middle of this platform, which could comfortably accommodate ten people, lie, somewhat carelessly, perhaps even forgotten, a number of stones scattered around—unintelligible and foolish amidst this well-ordered arrangement.
We turn to the Fulda Valley. To the south, the peaks of the high Rhön greet us, the Milseburg and, nearer to us, the Pferdskopf. This smaller group is also crowned by a fortification, and the clay platform is also found here, with the "stumbling stones" lying around in the middle. Strange similarity! So it was once, and how is it today?
When I recently sought out this place again, I arrived too late—our mountain had been desecrated! The Stone Sea had become a quarry. Machines clattered up there, where once there was holy silence; they greedily devoured the silver-glittering waves and cliffs. As paving stones, they were sent out into the world. Hesitantly, I searched for the spot where the ancient Ruppe group once stood. Gone! A heap of rubble—paving stones are highly paid!!! Freya’s lovely spring no longer reflects a god’s eye. It is sealed with a cement lid, and the water runs silently through dark pipes into a foreign valley! Truly, a desecrated nature! Woe to the people who let such things happen, who do not know sacred reverence or love for their homeland!
Those who once created the walls and fortifications are considered barbarians. But when we see this mountain today, where everything sacred is destroyed, trampled underfoot in the truest sense of the word—who then is the barbarian? He who, without reverence, without love for his homeland, without appreciation of its beauty, destroys the witnesses of ancient times?! Sorrowfully, we would like to extend our hands over the little that still remains! May soon the "spade" find its way here, lifting the stones of the altar from their forgotten state, so that they once again stand in their original arrangement in the light of the sun that they once served!
C. M. von Hammer
On the Meaning of the Nohirappe:
Regarding the article "The Soil Question in New Interpretation," published in Germanien, 4th edition, Issue 1, pages 29/30, with which I fully agree in content, I would like to add the following observation from June 9, 1932, which might further confirm the interpretation proposed by Eduard Masleben from Minden:
Next to the six-pointed wheel symbol, there is a runic inscription in a heavily weathered state. Despite the weathering, it can be recognized that it is the "Man-Rune" (Mannaz) from the short or the "R-Rune" from the long Germanic series, which, according to Herman Wirth, was interpreted as "the son of God raising his arms," symbolizing the rising sun. The form used is the rectangular one, also referred to as the "Thunder Broom" (see H. Wirth, "What Does German Mean?", Plate I, lower row, right side). The lower vertical support seems to have been weathered away. The outer arms have extensions in small diagonal lines. The proximity of the wheel symbol and the probable orientation towards the northeast suggested by Masleben point to a summer solstice-related significance of the three-part symbol complex.
W. Meier-Böke, Hohenhaufen.
The Bucer Scale
Bergmann, Ernst, Die Deutsche Nationalkirche. Verlag Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1933. 394 pages. Paperback 6 Marks, hardcover 8 Marks.
The question of how many decades or centuries this book was written too early is posed by the author himself towards the end of his narrative. Apparently, this reflection occurred during a rare pause in his otherwise relentlessly captivating and dramatically embellished narrative, in a moment when the author began to realize that he would henceforth be both passionately revered and equally vehemently opposed. A book whose content undoubtedly ignites such intense passions must have something essential to convey. While some sensible criticism in recent writings on the Leipzig cultural philosopher highlighted the revival of German mysticism and admired the austere solemnity of a sensitively probing soul, we now face a work that reveals a much more direct reality. Its historically evaluative content accuses, shatters, reckons, and its future-oriented perspective appeals with shocking fervor to the German soul. Clearing the path for the German soul to return to its true homeland by emphasizing its native roots is certainly a formidable task, but for the author, it represents the ultimate realization of complete unity, whose existence seems assured in a German-centered, not foreign-centered, divine experience. This practically amounts to a thorough reformation of the entire religious confession and, to some extent, the political structure of the church, further necessitating the elimination of a perniciously influential denominational divide through the creation of a nationally defined place of worship.
It thus seems understandable that the author initially engages with Protestantism, Catholicism, and the essence of Christianity itself. Many have tried and continue to attempt this, but their efforts generally do not extend beyond some superficial negation and are even less successful in inspiring similarly stirring and ultimately action-ready reflections. In Bergmann’s case, however, the latter is particularly evident, as both his presentation and demands are the product of a genuinely striving and concerned spirit.
Anyone who is not completely desensitized or corrupted by sophistic dialectic should begin to see the light—why a German apostle is speaking to us, who might possibly endure a second trial by fire like the one at the Diet of Worms. It would indeed be regrettable if cynical superficiality hidden behind bourgeois self-satisfaction in beer parlors did not finally find the courage to take action and reflect. It is well understood why, in large parts of our educated circles, attending church has at most become equivalent to a cheap gesture of decorum, while the holiest internal values of our people, and thus their self-assertion, are increasingly becoming willing instruments of a foreign and politically motivated sphere of influence. Protestantism is heading towards a pitiful dissolution, and the so-called godless movement has even become possible. It is certainly not easy to untangle the conflicting elements and knotted threads here, but if we have correctly understood the author, our national misfortune for many centuries has been the necessity of repeatedly bleeding out in a particular struggle. This is a religious (or perhaps more accurately, a confessional) division that has created two culturally hostile Germanys—one Protestant and one Catholic. According to Bergmann’s argument, Protestantism was too strong to be entirely overthrown during the Counter-Reformation, yet too weak to successfully permeate the mentality of our southern and western German population. What remains is a torn and unfortunately positioned culture war, fueled by non-German elements, fought on German soil, and one that lacks any desirable national unity. For "if we were one people, there would no longer be 'dissenters' in Germany today."
The demand to eliminate this pernicious division that hinders our national unity by creating a German Church that is true to our people is supported by a detailed presentation of what we, due to our development and native roots, should consider as the true German religion. Since Clovis, our people would have been hindered in the free and normal development of its form due to Christianization, even though there were already beginnings of this development in Middle High German epics, in German mysticism, in the Reformation century, in German philosophy, and in German poetry of the 18th century. Unfortunately, until today, a foreign spiritual power has dictated, controlled, and confused our development and formation, and we still have to promote German culture today in protest against ideological foreign domination because German cultural identity is being suppressed, and "Roman Christianity and German religion are the greatest ideological opposites one can imagine." And anyone who wants to preserve Christianity in its Roman form perpetuates the conflict within the German people.
The author feels it is necessary to prove this point. The nature of the Germans demands a life-affirming religion—not one born in the oppressive air of catacombs, embracing death with visions of a better afterlife. The philosophy of the Edda already breathes the essential trait of all German philosophy: German idealism with its doctrine of the noble human spirit. This spirit, in contrast to the Christian sin ethics, is infused with a Nordic ethic of struggle and will, naturally respecting the eternal mysteries revealed in the workings of nature, and therefore, of motherhood. The German ethical will, which underlies all German theology and strives for moral action and social justice, as it breaks through in Kantianism against a foreign-dominated German intellectual history, was already present in the natural morality of our Germanic ancestors, who "knew neither the concept of God (as a power beyond) nor of sin (as a metaphysical inheritance)."
The essence of all German theology should thus be derived from the experience of God by the ancient North Germanic people, as roughly outlined by Kummer in his "Germanic Worldview." However, history shows a distortion of the obvious truth that valuable divine experience is rooted in the creative national spirit, and therefore, there can be only one true religion, which is at the same time a national, indigenous one. According to Bergmann, this means that the true German is one who "burns Roman papal bulls in spirit or with fire," and only "based on this principle can one write German history." Considering further that a halfway Protestantism can no longer eliminate the unfortunate cultural conflict today, the only logical demand would be to completely and in all forms renounce Christianity. This demand is famously represented in its purest form by a circle around the Tannenberg victor.
However, Bergmann initially considers this impossible and surprisingly dismisses it, as a thousand-year tradition cannot be extinguished with a single stroke, as Strauss, Feuerbach, and Eduard von Hartmann believed in their critiques of Christianity. He concludes that a German Church in which "our people would no longer find the figure of Christ would be left unvisited by many." He believes he has discovered a form of Jesus adapted to the Germanic soul and thinking in the "Savior" from that well-known piece of spiritual poetry from the ninth century. Here, the Son of God would appear as the leader of the people, the Redeemer as a helper in battle, and the old saga would thus become a guide for the thoughts and paths of a German Christianity. This can be doubted, as it is difficult to reinterpret the typical redemption motif in the "Savior" (the idea of redemption through the personal self-sacrifice of another, which runs counter to the Germanic sensibility) in a way that fits the Germanic context. Overall, the "Savior" strictly adheres to the narrative of the Gospels and is only further elaborated in the tone of folk poetry where the subject matter called for more vivid depiction. It is worth noting that the "Savior" probably forms part of a work that Ludwig the Pious (the abductor and destroyer of everything Germanic-pagan) commissioned a Saxon cleric to create! Be that as it may, Bergmann himself does not seem entirely convinced by this compromise thesis, as he adds a significant caveat, "if one even believes for reasons of expediency or piety that one must hold onto the figure of Christ within the German religion." Opinions can differ on the inclusion of a somehow modified Christ figure, especially if one is inclined to play out a clear "either-or" scenario against each other.
Nevertheless, the nature of Germanic religiosity is further elaborated satisfactorily, and one would not want to miss the critical, though unfortunately somewhat unfinished, engagement with Herman Wirth, because it also contributes to the eventual reconciliation of seemingly similar wills. Bergmann should, however, be reminded in the face of Wirth's monotheistic doctrine that in any religion naturally arising from an experience of nature, a symbolic sun god is always accompanied by a mother figure, so that religious experience manifests in a dual god system, as demonstrated by Norse Thor and Nerthus, Sumerian Ishtar and Tammuz, Egyptian Isis and Osiris, and so on. It should only be noted in passing that Bergmann draws here on ideas he has extensively presented in his work "Spirit of Knowledge and Spirit of Motherhood," where he critically examines the one-sided male emphasis in cultural development.
If the first part of this work lays the foundation, and the second part highlights the roots of a German religion, then the third and concluding main part attempts to ideologically outline the essence of a German Church. This church would become the visible institution of a national religion focused on this world and education, a German confession that interprets the divine as the moral will of the individual and the people, and that reveres Germany as the land of education for a new humanity. While England, for example, had timely broken with the papacy and grown through its national church, we, on the other hand, have remained disadvantaged and have not created a constitution that envisions the Church as a state church subordinate to the Reich President, where clergy are seen solely as officials appointed by the state, which declares the German religion as the state religion and does not tolerate private religious societies. This constitution would make it impossible for a German citizen to leave the German state church and would declare agreements and treaties made by priests with foreign spiritual or secular powers as invalid. "It is a subversion of state authority and sovereignty to conclude treaties with a foreign power that concern ideological questions, that is, cultural questions of one's own nation." Bergmann goes so far as to speak of treason against one's own state in such cases, and sees in the recent era of concordats only a confirmation of everything that was detrimental to our people culturally and nationally. And it should be obvious who culturally won the World War against the Germans and who understood how to exploit the chaotic post-war situation.
The subsequent attempt to distinguish between foreign and genuinely German priesthood culminates in the confession (especially emphasizing the moral priesthood of women) that the task of every German-priestly activity is to show people the divine and sacred within themselves, to help them bring it to light, and to make it effective in their actions. For above all that still flourishes today in the foreign Christian cult, stands "the court of conscience, where the only true God sits, namely the eternal and transcendent, which has risen to consciousness and freedom in the noble human spirit. To form this God within oneself, in the people, in humanity—that is priesthood." And if the church itself were a national sanctuary, a national holy place, with the oak cross, the victory rune of the Nordic people on the tower, then there would be no need to even think about the increasing dechristianization. Regarding the meaningful goal of truly shaping a German national church into a place of religious edification, one would wish for more clarity here and a vision that is more refined and concrete.
However, it must be understood: the reformist, stormy nature of the whole work, with sometimes unique poetic structures, cannot possibly offer the best conceivable ideas in a perfectly mature form. That would exceed the strength of the individual at the moment, who also need not be blamed for not always remaining completely uncontroversial. For example, it would not be appropriate to carry out the mentioned restoration under the sign of the German cross instead of the Christian cross. And there is also the danger that certain statements, such as those in the chapter on the idea of God, expressed in less fortunate ways, could lead to misunderstandings and provide critics with easy ammunition. But despite all this, one feels strongly that the author himself worked from that inner divinity which he defends with compelling loyalty, and therefore the content of this work towers far above many other writings that are currently struggling with the problem of a German national rebirth.
Before concluding the work, which presents a German church year that depicts Christmas as the festival of motherhood, Easter as the festival of youth initiation, and Pentecost as the festival of fathers in parallel with nature; which recognizes the summer solstice as a festival of the consecration of arms and an autumnal festival of the dead, one can only take off one's hat. For here, without contradiction, that ancient German piety comes alive, which for centuries has had no great day. And one more thing: those who truly understand the signs of the times will likely recognize with the author that we are indeed standing at the gates of a catastrophic era of revaluation. And then his work signifies all the more a fateful necessity in the resonating organ work of German awakening.
Berlin. Hans Wolfgang Ohm.
Kdert, Hanns, Die Christianisierung der Germanen. Ein Beitrag zu ihrem Verständnis und ihrer Beurteilung. Tübingen: Wiohr 1932, 35 pages, large 8". Collection of popular lectures and writings in the field of theology, vol. 11. Religious history. 160 pages. 1.50 RM; Subscription price: 1.20 RM.
The theologian Hanns Kdert considers the portrayal of the "conversion" of the Germans to Christianity in existing church histories as no longer satisfactory. He seeks to answer the question, "How did the Germans come to adopt Christianity?" Kdert argues that there can be no talk of a forced conversion, neither in Saxony nor in Norway (his related explanations are a noteworthy example of "dialectical method"). Instead, he suggests that "something was no longer right in the Germanic religion." The real reason that led the Germans to a largely voluntary conversion was the greater power of the new god and the impotence of the pagan gods (this is also the "moral" of the "miracle" stories invented during the conversion period to promote the Christian god). These Germanic gods, according to Kdert, were nothing more than glorified humans (for a contrasting view, see Redel, *Die altgermanische Religion*, Berlin 1932, pp. 13ff.). The religion tied to homeland and race may have been sufficient as long as the Germanic man lived in obscurity, but it became untenable when he entered history during the migration period (Kdert shows no awareness of the pre-Indo-European and Indo-European migrations and journeys of the Nordic race, nor of the ancient Germanic dangers). The German would not have survived the pressures of the time if the church had not rescued him, leading the German "from naivety to maturity" (a product of this maturity is apparently the modern European).
Is this a new answer? No, it is the same old apologetics that has always been practiced, demonstrating the same catastrophic lack of understanding of religion in general and Germanic religion in particular. This theologian would first need to be given religious instruction, although any such effort seems completely futile here. Theology cannot provide a fruitful contribution to the necessary re-examination of the problems surrounding the history of conversion because, without undermining itself, it can never admit that this so-called "conversion" was the first nihilistic revolution in Europe and the prototype of all subsequent European revolutions.
Dr. Otto Huth (Bonn)
Die Deutsche Falkenschaft: Blätter eines deutschen Bundes. Yule 1932. With 5 images and 4 plates. Nuremberg 2: Kanzlei der Deutschen Falkenschaft e. B. (Postfach 228). 28 pages. Price: 0.35 RM.
This is a very nicely printed and well-compiled booklet dedicated to the traditions of the Yule festival. It covers various topics such as the origin of the name "Weihnachten" (Christmas); German Christmas in song; the Christmas season and its customs; Christmas pastries (Gebildbrote); the branch and the life rod, as well as the origins and relatives of the Christmas tree; some insights about the fir tree; and about song.
Contribution to the discussion about the Germanic tribes
Paul Zaunert, Die Entwicklung des Karolingertypus. Volk und Rasse, Verlag F. G. Lehmann-München, 1933, Heft 1.
For more than three centuries, the Carolingian dynasty played a decisive role in shaping the fate of Germanic-German history; the character of this lineage and its relationship to Germanic traditions is of utmost importance, especially during this transitional period between land settlement and the beginning of state formation. The history of the Carolingians, which certainly must have had a significant prehistory, begins with an act of treachery: In the face of self-destruction, Arnulf and Pippin, the leaders of the Austrasian nobility, refused to obey their rightful queen, Brunhilda, and handed her over to the enemy for terrible revenge. Even in subsequent times, these mayors of the palace bore no resemblance to the powerful, characteristically Germanic figure of Hagen von Tronje from our legends; they shared only cunning, strength, and a thirst for power but lacked the essential Germanic qualities that ennoble Hagen in all his deeds—namely, the deep personal loyalty to his liege lord and royal family, for whom he sacrifices everything. Entangled in the ambiguous nature of this multifaceted realm, they could not, even after gaining power, grow from a Frankish bureaucratic structure into a Germanic popular monarchy. Their actions and thoughts were heavily influenced by the bilingualism of their realm, but only in a purely rational sense; their politics became a mere technique, devoid of any popular connection. Therefore, it is important to sharply distinguish between the legendary Charlemagne, whom the German people idealized and who became the model for the medieval concept of emperorship, and the real Charles of history—a type of Frank who, on Gallo-Roman soil, adopted foreign traits and cannot be considered either a Germanic or a truly German man.
Hans Zeik, Herzogsname und Herzogsamt. Wiener prähistorische Zeitschrift, 19. Jahrgang, 1932.
A detailed examination of the traditional sources since Caesar leads the author to conclude that "dux" should not, as often customary, be simply equated with "duke," and that the office of duke actually arose from the needs of the Merovingian great kingdom and remained confined to its Germanic part.
Germanic, Celtic, and Slavic Interactions
Bollo Freiherr von Richthofen, Zur Vorgeschichte der Ostgermanen. (With special consideration of Vandalic finds from Munlac.) Wiener prähistorische Zeitschrift, 19. Jahrgang, 1932.
Scholarly research has increasingly clarified the cultures of East Germanic tribes during the last pre-Christian millennium, especially the Przeworsk culture, which also included the Bastarnae, as well as the significant Vandal culture, from which these tribes were pushed southward. Polish research, motivated by purely chauvinistic viewpoints, has recently attempted to deny the Germanic character of the Przeworsk culture, with the scholar Kostrzewski inventing the term "Baltic" for it. This new trend in Polish "science" is refuted by von Richthofen using factual material.
Rudolf Much, Keltomanic Historical Distortion. Wannus 24, Heft 4.
After Sigmund Feist's ill-fated attempt to reclassify the Germanic tribes mentioned by Caesar and Tacitus as Celts, which ended in failure, Gustav Stümpel has emerged as a new advocate of this view, attempting to prove that Ariovistus and his hordes, the Usipetes and Tencteri, as well as the cavalry mentioned by Caesar on the right bank of the Rhine, were all Celtic. Rudolf Much thoroughly and effectively refutes this position, pointing out the lack of factual knowledge and logical consistency in its foundation.
Rudolf Stampfuß, Prehistoric Research in the German West. Die Sonne, Armanenverlag-Leipzig, Heft 12, 1932.
While significant progress has been made in prehistoric research in other parts of the Reich, official research in the West still predominantly focuses on the remnants of the Roman period, which ultimately represent nothing more than a Roman occupation of the Rhineland. As a result, the important Rhineland province remains one of the least thoroughly researched prehistoric regions in Germany. However, the exploration of this area is of utmost importance, not only for scientific reasons but also for national and ethnic ones, especially regarding the advance of the Germans against the Celts, and because important insights into the development of early medieval culture from the Germanic migration period culture can be expected here.
Th. Hoffmann, Slavonic Homeland and Early Slavic Migrations. Volk und Rasse, Verlag F. F. Lehmann-München, Heft 4, 1932, and Heft 1, 1933.
In contrast to Polish research, which exploits East Germany for political reasons, the author demonstrates that the Pripet Marshes are the homeland of the ancient Slavs, as has already been suggested by linguistic and prehistoric research. The oldest forms of river, tribal, and settlement names, as well as the living conditions in this retreat area, where the originally Indo-European, therefore Nordic, ancient Slavs must have mixed extensively with a primitive indigenous population, have shaped the Slavic ethnic character. The author shows, which has so far been overlooked, that the oldest tribal names are derived from the sacred rivers, a practice easily explained by the close connection of the Slavs to their rivers. Using these names, the migration routes of the ancient Slavs are traced. The conclusion is that the Slavs did not set out westward on their own initiative, but rather were swept along by a backflow set in motion by Germanic population groups from Eastern Europe, after East Germany had been significantly depopulated by the withdrawal of the native Germanic tribes, which is also supported by the distinctly Nordic appearance of Slavic leader figures.
Cultural Relations
Ernst Sprodhoff, Drei bemerkenswerte Bronzen aus Niedersachsen. Nachrichten aus Niedersachsens Urgeschichte, Verlag August Lax-Hildesheim und Leipzig, Nr. 6, 1932.
A bronze staff head and two swords, the former belonging to the early, the latter to the late Bronze Age, along with other bronze finds, suggest that there must have been connections between the Germanic peoples of the Lower Saxony region and England already during the Bronze Age, as the homeland of these bronzes can only be found in the Northwestern European area.
Eduard Benninger, Two Germanic Finds from Wulzeshofen in Lower Austria. Wiener prähistorische Zeitschrift, 19. Jahrgang, 1932.
The author examines two rich Germanic grave finds, dating to around 180 AD and the early 4th century AD, and discusses the origins of filigree work as well as Celtic and Pontic influences that have made their mark on Germanic craftsmanship.
Hertha Stemmel
Miscellaneous
Rudolf John Gorsleben: A Commemorative Note and Reflection
Rudolf John Gorsleben would have completed his fiftieth year on March 16th of this year, had he still been among us. However, fate had other plans. Two and a half years ago, death took the pen from the hand of this self-proclaimed "joyful wanderer with the glow of the universe on his face," bringing an unexpectedly swift end to his efforts to pursue only that which made him wise. Like many German thinkers, this native of Lorraine had made the small town of Dinkelsbühl, with its legends from a distant past, his second home. Here, and later near Lake Constance, he conducted his research on the Edda, spun the threads of German intimacy, and crafted his various publications and letters, which, though not extensive, gathered a loyal and devoted circle around him.
To be candid, Gorsleben, who evokes memories of Nostradamus with his prophetic gift and who loved to delve into ancient and even more ancient sources, himself bears a resemblance in many ways to the much-discussed fate prophecy of Nostradamus. What will remain of his works primarily is not so much the knowledge certified by intellectual rigor or scholarly achievements, but rather his heroic dedication to the German soul. His endeavor to create something from the depths of this soul, akin to what Hermann Keyserling currently refers to as "culture of feeling," in order to achieve a cultural community that embraces the people, can and must be understood as Gorsleben's true legacy.
Whatever he had to express always spurred one to a conscious experience of heritage, and thus only those who feel within themselves a breath of what can unite us Germans in a culturally distinct identity will be able to truly understand Gorsleben. This identity, however, demands a gaze into the past and a vigilant mind to make the discoveries come alive and be interpreted with soul. For, "in longing for its best, it must be everyone's sacred duty to earnestly and reverently immerse themselves in the spiritual world of their ancestors, who, by the law of life, are also necessarily their thoughts." We must learn about our own past—the culture, religion, art, and language of our ancestors—and be better informed about it than about distant and foreign things. Even if our own heritage were ever so poor and insignificant—which it certainly is not, for our race and our homeland are the cradle of all culture—we should already love it and prefer it to the foreign, for it is our own. And as long as we do not muster the will for such courage of soul and blood, which would truly ennoble us and make us the noblest people on earth, we will remain parvenus in our own eyes and in the eyes of others. We can only make one path: the path back to ourselves."
Thus, as an introduction to Gorsleben's nearly seven hundred printed pages of legacy, which, as the gospel of his creative life, narrowly escaped the danger of being forgotten in the last hour, "Hochzeit der Menschheit" (Ausschler & Amelang Verlag, Leipzig) should be read. Gorsleben called this visionary work, "drawn from the runes," with the aim of enlightening both spirit and body. And indeed, the wisdom within, already "wise" in truth, has been shaped into a sacramental holiness that is more essential than many explanatory attempts over which the foot of scholarly experts might rightfully stumble. Whether Gorsleben discusses what the Edda is, interprets Atlantis or the eternal recurrence, leads the way from the cosmic origin of the runes to the soul of humanity, identifies a "rune-row mantra" in the Lord's Prayer, or speaks of the Sun-Son or the Revelation of God, the meaningful essence always remains the same—to help the spirit break through.
Though others today may weave with similar threads, in the community of all who hold genuine German reverence close to their hearts, Gorsleben's work and name will remain indelibly established.
—S. W. V.
Club News
6th Meeting of Friends of Germanic Prehistory in Bad Pyrmont
Agenda: (Briefly summarized)
Tuesday, June 6:
8:30 AM: Gathering at the Externsteine near Horn in Lippe.
Detailed tour and explanation of the sacred site.
11:00 AM: Travel to Detmold, including visits to Heidenscheide near Stohlstadt, Ostara sanctuary in Detmold, Sweden's Rampart, Festival Path, Three Mound Sanctuary, combat game field in Langelau, etc.
Breakfast at the Gasthaus Huneke, followed by a visit to the Sternhof.
Guided tour and explanations by Director Wilhelm Teudt.
4:30 PM: Travel to Pyrmont.
8:30 PM: Welcome evening at the Concert Hall. Examination of the spring site. Introductory lecture.
Wednesday, June 7:
8:00 AM: Annual meeting of the Friends of Germanic Prehistory at the Kurhaus. Report by the chairman. Guests welcome.
9:00 AM: Gathering at the fountain square at the main spring. Report by Teudt.
10:00 AM: Travel to the Externsteine. Followed by a trip to the Königsberg, breakfast.
Visit to the Sünenburg at Königsberg.
3:00 PM: Travel to Kilian's Church near Lügde and visit. Report on the local tradition (fire burials) of Lügde.
Return to Pyrmont.
8:15 PM: Public lecture by University Professor Dr. Gustav Nedel at the Concert Hall: "The Significance of Old Norse Scripture for the Understanding of Germanic Essence."
Followed by informal gathering at the Kurhaus.
Thursday, June 8:
8:00 AM: Departure to Herlingsburg. Visit to the prehistoric sites. Travel to Schieder. Breakfast at the Deutsches Haus.
3:00 PM: Visit to the sites of Alt-Schieder.
Return to Pyrmont.
8:00 PM: Social gathering at the Kurhaus, closing speech. Conclusion of the meeting.
Teudt's Lecture in Berlin
In November of last year, Director Teudt gave a lecture in Berlin at the invitation of the Society for Germanic Prehistory. The lecture, which provided an overview of his exceptionally important findings to date, was met with great enthusiasm within the society and beyond. Particularly valuable was Teudt's reference to artifacts discovered near the Externsteine, which, as has now been revealed, were found over a hundred years ago. Teudt presented these artifacts in photographic slides, which, along with other high-quality images, accompanied and clarified his spoken word. One of these artifacts is currently housed in the Boner Museum, according to Dorow.
The lecture in Berlin marked a significant step forward in the recognition of Teudt's work and research by serious academic circles. It should be noted that the Berlin daily press also provided in-depth and appreciative coverage of Teudt's lecture and work. Additionally, during the "Nordic Conference" held in Berlin in November 1932, Teudt gave an extended presentation on his and our work, which was also received with keen interest.
Hannover: Local Group of Friends of Germanic Prehistory
The local group in Hannover began its activities for the new year on January 19th with a well-attended member meeting at the Hofbräuhaus. After the chairman, Mr. Brons, provided an overview of the work reports for 1933 and particularly highlighted the upcoming public lecture by Wilhelm Teudt on February 9th, Mr. Government Building Officer Prieye gave a lecture on ancient Germanic freedom and the noteworthy remnants of this freedom in the vicinity of Hannover.
Just outside the eastern gates of Hannover lie 13 villages, collectively known as "the Great Free" or "the Free before the Northwood," which still form a unit in many respects. This area is the northern part of a clearly defined ancient Germanic district, whose center was the assembly place at the Hassel, now a small plateau on the heights near Lühnde. The northern boundary was the large forest, remnants of which still exist in the Ahltener and Hämeler woods, the western boundary was the Leine River, and the southern boundary was the drainage ditch that flows into the Innerste near Sarstedt. The enduring hunting rights of the farmers still today confirm this boundary.
Around 1500, the district split into three parts: a southern Hildesheim district, a Lüneburg district, and a Calenberg district. The latter consisted of the three villages of Wülfel, Laaken, and Döhren and was known as "the Little Free" to distinguish it from the Great Free. The only tax the farmers of the Great Free paid was the king's rent to the Duke of Saxony, as the king's representative. They successfully resisted all other forms of taxation until the 19th century and maintained their rights over their lands and forests undiminished. In their court at Alten, they continued to exercise independent judicial authority into the 18th century. The Great Free adhered to universal military service until the Wars of Liberation, with each farm providing a fully equipped man at its own expense. In a muster from 1615, the Free mustered two companies of 280 men each, led by a captain. In 1813, the Great Free issued a call for a general uprising against Napoleon, stating that they would provide 480 men from their own military organization.
The speaker emphasized that the ancient district around the Hassel, in terms of area and the number of independent communities, exactly matches the old districts he identified at Zeven and Sarsefeld. The typical size of Germanic districts seems to have been around 300 square kilometers, as supported by the fact that the known main towns of old were located about 20 to 25 kilometers apart. Caesar's account that the Suebi had 100 districts would suggest they inhabited an area the size of the present-day province of Hannover. The lecture sparked a lively discussion, with Mr. Wöhler, a landowner from Groß-Buchholz, contributing remarkable details. As a hunting neighbor, he is familiar with the free farmers' hunting grounds in the Ahltener Forest. Near the Warmbüchener Moor, there is also a refuge, marked by a well called the "Turkish Well," used by the inhabitants of the Great Free during times of war. An elderly resident of Kirchrode told Mr. Wöhler that during times of conflict, people would secure their valuables there.
Older Editions of "Germanien": There are frequent inquiries about older issues of our magazine. The following issues are still available:
Germanien, 3rd series, 1931/32: 3.60 RM
Germanien, 4th series, 1932: 2.40 RM
Please contact Mr. W. Düstersiek, Detmold, Friedrichstr. 17, or place an order using the payment slip (Postal check account Oberstlt. a. D. Play, Detmold, Amt Hannover 65278).
Clarification: In response to questions directed to me, I hereby clarify that no merger has occurred with the Society for Germanic Prehistory in Berlin (formerly the Herman Wirth Society). — Plak.
Reports from the local groups in Bremen, Essen, and Osnabrück, which have been received in the meantime, will appear in Issue 4 due to space constraints. — (Editor).
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